Coordinates	12°58′0″N77°34′0″N
Native name
Conventional long name	United Republic of Tanzania
Common name	Tanzania
Image coat	Coat of arms of Tanzania.svg
National motto	"Uhuru na Umoja"(Swahili)"Freedom and Unity"
National anthem	''Mungu ibariki Afrika''"God Bless Africa"
Official languages	Swahili (''de facto'') English (Higher courts, higher education)
Demonym	Tanzanian
Capital	Dodoma
Government type	Federal Republic
Leader title1	President
Leader title2	Prime Minister
Leader name1	Jakaya Kikwete
Leader name2	Mizengo Pinda
Largest city	Dar es Salaam
Area km2	945,203
Area sq mi	364,898
Area rank	31st
Area magnitude	1 E11
Percent water	6.2
Population estimate	43,739,000
Population estimate year	2009
Population estimate rank	30th
Population census	34,443,603
Population census year	2003
Population density km2	46.3
Population density sq mi	119.9
Population density rank	124th
Gdp ppp year	2009
Gdp ppp	$57.400 billion
Gdp ppp per capita	$1,416
Gdp nominal	$22.318 billion
Gdp nominal year	2009
Gdp nominal per capita	$550
Hdi year	2008
Hdi	0.530
Hdi rank	151st
Hdi category	medium
Gini	34.6
Gini year	2000–01
Gini category	medium
Sovereignty type	Independence
Sovereignty note	from the United Kingdom
Established event1	Tanganyika
Established event2	Zanzibar
Established event3	Merger
Established date1	9 December 1961
Established date2	10 December 1963
Established date3	26 April 1964
Currency	Tanzanian shilling
Currency code	TZS
Time zone	EAT
Utc offset	+3
Time zone dst	''not observed''
Utc offset dst	+3
Drives on	left
Cctld	.tz
Calling code	+2552
Footnotes	1 Estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess mortality due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant mortality and death rates, lower population and growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by age and sex than would otherwise be expected.² 007 from Kenya and Uganda. }}

The United Republic of Tanzania ( ) is a country in East Africa bordered by Kenya and Uganda to the north, Rwanda, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the west, and Zambia, Malawi, and Mozambique to the south. The country's eastern borders lie on the Indian Ocean.

The United Republic of Tanzania is a state composed of 26 regions (mikoa), including those of the autonomous region of Zanzibar. The head of state is President Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, elected in 2005. Since 1996, the official capital of Tanzania has been Dodoma, where Parliament and some government offices are located. Between independence and 1996, the main coastal city of Dar es Salaam served as the country's political capital. Today, Dar es Salaam remains the principal commercial city of Tanzania and the ''de facto'' seat of most government institutions. It is the major seaport for the country and its landlocked neighbours.

The name Tanzania derives from the names of the two states Tanganyika and Zanzibar that united in 1964 to form the United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, which later the same year was renamed the United Republic of Tanzania.

History

Tanzania is probably one of the oldest known inhabited areas on Earth; fossil remains of humans and pre-human hominids have been found dating back over two million years. More recently, Tanzania is believed to have been populated by hunter-gatherer communities, probably Cushitic and Khoisan speaking people. About 2,000 years ago, Bantu-speaking people began to arrive from western Africa in a series of migrations. Later, Nilotic pastoralists arrived, and continued to immigrate into the area through to the 18th century.

Travellers and merchants from the Persian Gulf and western India have visited the East African coast since early in the first millennium AD. Islam was practised on the Swahili Coast as early as the eighth or ninth century AD.

Claiming the coastal strip, Omani Sultan Seyyid Said moved his capital to Zanzibar City in 1840. During this time, Zanzibar became the centre for the Arab slave trade. Between 65% to 90% of the population of Arab-Swahili Zanzibar was enslaved. One of the most famous slave traders on the East African coast was Tippu Tip, who was himself the grandson of an enslaved African. The Nyamwezi slave traders operated under the leadership of Msiri and Mirambo. According to Timothy Insoll, "Figures record the exporting of 718,000 slaves from the Swahili coast during the 19th century, and the retention of 769,000 on the coast."

In the late 19th century, Imperial Germany conquered the regions that are now Tanzania (minus Zanzibar), Rwanda, and Burundi, and incorporated them into German East Africa. During World War I, an invasion attempt by the British was thwarted by German General Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck, who then mounted a drawn out guerrilla campaign against the British. The post–World War I accords and the League of Nations charter designated the area a British Mandate, except for a small area in the northwest, which was ceded to Belgium and later became Rwanda and Burundi.

British rule came to an end in 1961 after a relatively peaceful (compared with neighbouring Kenya, for instance) transition to independence. In 1954, Julius Nyerere transformed an organization into the politically oriented Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). TANU's main objective was to achieve national sovereignty for Tanganyika. A campaign to register new members was launched, and within a year TANU had become the leading political organization in the country.

Nyerere became Minister of British-administered Tanganyika in 1960 and continued as Prime Minister when Tanganyika became officially independent in 1961. Soon after independence, Nyerere's first presidency took a turn to the Left after the Arusha Declaration, which codified a commitment to socialism in Pan-African fashion. After the Declaration, banks were nationalized as were many large industries.

After the Zanzibar Revolution overthrew the Arab dynasty in neighbouring Zanzibar, which had become independent in 1963, the island merged with mainland Tanganyika to form the nation of Tanzania on 26 April 1964. The union of the two, hitherto separate, regions was controversial among many Zanzibaris (even those sympathetic to the revolution) but was accepted by both the Nyerere government and the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar owing to shared political values and goals.

From the late 1970s, Tanzania's economy took a turn for the worse. Tanzania also aligned with China, seeking Chinese aid. The Chinese were quick to comply, but with the condition that all projects be completed by imported Chinese labour. From the mid 1980s, the regime financed itself by borrowing from the International Monetary Fund and underwent some reforms. From the mid 1980s Tanzania's GDP per capita has grown and poverty has been reduced.

Politics

The President of Tanzania, and the members of the National Assembly, are elected concurrently by direct popular vote for five-year terms. The president appoints a prime minister who serves as the government's leader in the National Assembly. The president selects his Cabinet from among the National Assembly members. The Constitution also empowers him to nominate ten non-elected members of Parliament, who are also eligible to become cabinet members. Elections for president and all National Assembly seats were held in December 2005. Tanzania is a one party dominant state with the Chama Cha Mapinduzi in power. Opposition parties are widely considered to have no real chance of gaining power, though the country remains peaceful.

The unicameral National Assembly elected in 2000 has 295 members. These 295 members include the Attorney General, five members elected from the Zanzibar House of Representatives to participate in the Parliament, the special women's seats which are made up of 20 percent of the seats that a given party has in the House, 181 constituent seats of members of Parliament from the mainland, and 50 seats from Zanzibar. Also in the list are forty-eight appointed for women and the seats for the 10 nominated members of Parliament. At present, the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi holds about 93 percent of the seats in the Assembly. Laws passed by the National Assembly are valid for Zanzibar only in specifically designated union matters.

Zanzibar's House of Representatives has jurisdiction over all non-union matters. There are seventy-six members in the House of Representatives in Zanzibar, including fifty elected by the people, ten appointed by the president of Zanzibar, five ''ex officio'' members, and an attorney general appointed by the president. In May 2002, the government increased the number of special seats allocated to women from ten to fifteen, which will increase the number of House of Representatives members to eighty-one. Ostensibly, Zanzibar's House of Representatives can make laws for Zanzibar without the approval of the union government as long as it does not involve union-designated matters. The terms of office for Zanzibar's president and House of Representatives also are five years. The semi-autonomous relationship between Zanzibar and the union is a unique system of government.

Tanzania has a five-level judiciary combining the jurisdictions of tribal, Islamic, and British common law. Appeal is from the Primary Courts through the District Courts, Resident Magistrate Courts, to the High Courts, and the Court of Appeal. Judges are appointed by the Chief Justice of Tanzania, except for those of the Court of Appeal and the High Court, who are appointed by the President. The Zanzibari court system parallels the legal system of the union, and all cases tried in Zanzibari courts, except for those involving constitutional issues and Islamic law, can be appealed to the Court of Appeal of the Union. A commercial court was established in September 1999 as a division of the High Court.

Economy

The economy is mostly based on agriculture, which accounts for more than half of the GDP, provides 75 percent (approximately) of exports, and employs approximately 75 percent of the workforce. Topography and climate, though, limit cultivated crops to only 4 percent of the land area.

The nation has many natural resources including minerals, natural gas, and tourism. Extraction of natural gas began in the 2000s. Gas is drawn into the commercial capital, Dar Es Salaam and exported to various markets overseas. The mineral sector started to pick-up slowly in the late 90s, major discoveries are announced regularly. However, the mineral sector has yet to start contributing significantly to the overall Tanzanian economy. On the other hand, the contribution of the tourism sector to the Tanzanian economy is steadily rising year after year. Industry is mainly limited to processing agricultural products and light consumer goods. Tanzania has vast amounts of minerals including gold, diamonds, coal, iron, uranium, nickel, chrome, tin, platinum, coltan, niobium, and other minerals. It is the third-largest producer of gold in Africa after South Africa and Ghana. Tanzania is also known for Tanzanite, a type of precious gemstone that is found only in Tanzania.

Tanzania is the home of the world-famous Kilimanjaro the highest mountain in Africa. She has dozens of beautiful beaches such as those found in Zanzibar and breathtaking national parks like the world-famous Serengeti and the Ngorongoro Conservation Area, which generate tourism income that plays a vital part in the economy. Growth from 1991 to 1999 featured industrial production and a substantial increase in output of minerals, led by gold. Commercial production of natural gas from the Songo Songo island in the Indian Ocean off the Rufiji Delta commenced in 2004, with natural gas being pumped in a pipeline to Dar es Salaam, the bulk of it converted to electricity by public utility and private operators. A new gas field is being brought on stream in Mnazi Bay.

Recent public sector and banking reforms, as well as revamped and new legislative frameworks, have all helped increase private-sector growth and investment. Short-term economic progress also depends on curbing corruption.

Prolonged drought during the early years of this century has severely reduced electricity generation capacity (some 60 percent of Tanzania's electricity supplies are generated by hydro-electric methods). During 2006, Tanzania suffered a crippling series of "load-shedding" or power-rationing episodes caused by a shortfall of generated power, largely because of insufficient hydro-electric generation. Plans to increase gas- and coal-fueled generation capacity are likely to take some years to implement, and growth is forecast to be increased to seven percent or more per year.

There are two major airlines in Tanzania: the Air Tanzania Corporation and Precision Air; both provide local flights to Arusha, Kigoma, Mtwara, Mwanza, Musoma, Shinyanga, Zanzibar and regional flights to Kigali, Nairobi and Mombasa. There are also several charter firms and smaller airlines, such as Bold Aviation Ltd., Tropical Air and Coastal Aviation Ltd. There are two railway companies: TAZARA provides service between Dar-es-Salaam and Kapiri Mposhi, a district of the Central Province in Zambia. The other one is the Tanzania Railways Corporation, which provides services between Dar-es-Salaam and Kigoma, a town on the shores of Lake Tanganyika and between Dar-es-Salaam and Mwanza, a city on the shores of Lake Victoria. Several modern hydrofoil boats also provide transportation across the Indian Ocean between Dar-es-Salaam and Zanzibar.

Tanzania is part of the East African Community and a potential member of the planned East African Federation.

Regions and districts

Tanzania is divided into 26 regions (''mkoa''), 21 on the mainland and five in Zanzibar (three on Unguja, two on Pemba). Ninety-nine districts (''wilaya''), each with at least one council, have been created to further increase local authority; the councils are also known as ''local government authorities''. There are 114 councils operating in 99 districts; 22 are urban and 92 are rural. The 22 urban units are further classified as city councils (Dar es Salaam and Mwanza), municipal councils (Arusha, Dodoma, Iringa, Kilimanjaro, Mbeya, Morogoro, Shinyanga, Tabora, and Tanga) or town councils (the remaining eleven communities).

Tanzania's regions are: Arusha Dar es Salaam Dodoma Iringa Kagera Kigoma Kilimanjaro Lindi Manyara Mara Mbeya Morogoro Mtwara Mwanza Pemba North Pemba South Pwani Rukwa Ruvuma Shinyanga Singida Tabora Tanga Zanzibar Central/South Zanzibar North Zanzibar Urban/West

Geography

At 947,300 km², Tanzania is the world's 31st-largest country. Compared to other African countries, it is slightly smaller than Egypt and comparable in size to Nigeria. It lies mostly between latitudes 1° and 12°S, and longitudes 29° and 41°E.

Tanzania is mountainous in the northeast, where Mount Kilimanjaro, Africa's highest peak, is situated. To the north and west are the Great Lakes of Lake Victoria (Africa's largest lake) and Lake Tanganyika (Africa's deepest lake, known for its unique species of fish). Central Tanzania comprises a large plateau, with plains and arable land. The eastern shore is hot and humid, with the island of Zanzibar lying just offshore.

Tanzania contains many large and ecologically significant wildlife parks, including the famous Ngorongoro Crater, Serengeti National Park in the north, and Selous Game Reserve and Mikumi National Park in the south. Gombe National Park in the west is known as the site of Dr. Jane Goodall's studies of chimpanzee behaviour.

The government of Tanzania through its department of tourism has embarked on a campaign to promote the Kalambo water falls in the southwestern region of Rukwa as one of Tanzania's main tourist destinations. The Kalambo Falls are the second highest in Africa and are located near the southern tip of Lake Tanganyika. The Menai Bay Conservation Area is Zanzibar's largest marine protected area.

Climate

Tanzania has a tropical climate. In the highlands, temperatures range between () during cold and hot seasons respectively. The rest of the country has temperatures rarely falling lower than . The hottest period extends between November and February ( while the coldest period occurs between May and August (). Annual temperature is . The climate is cool in high mountainous regions.

Tanzania has two major rainfall regions. One is uni-modal (December–April) and the other is bi-modal (October–December and March–May). The former is experienced in southern, south-west, central and western parts of the country, and the latter is found to the north and northern coast.

In the bi-modal regime the March–May rains are referred to as the long rains or Masika, whereas the October–December rains are generally known as short rains or Vuli. As this country lies in equator here the climate is hot and humid. The easterlies winds cause rainfall in the eastern coastal region.

Environment

Tanzania has considerable wildlife habitat, including much of the Serengeti plain, where the white-bearded wildebeest (''Connochaetes taurinus mearnsi'') and other bovids participate in a large-scale annual migration. Up to 250,000 wildebeest perish each year in the long and arduous movement to find forage in the dry season. Tanzania is also home to 130 amphibian and over 275 reptile species, many of them strictly endemic and included in the IUCN Red Lists of different countries.

Tanzania has developed a Biodiversity Action Plan to address species conservation. A recently discovered species of elephant shrew called Grey-faced Sengi was filmed first time in 2005, and it was known to live in just two forests in the Udzungwa Mountains. In 2008, it was listed as "vulnerable" on the 2008 Red List of Threatened Species. Lake Natron is northern Tanzania is the largest breeding site for the threatened Lesser Flamingo, a huge community of which nest in the salt marshes of the lake. Areas of East African mangroves on the coast are also important habitats.

Demographics

As of 2006, the estimated population is 38,329,000, with an estimated growth rate of 2 percent. Population distribution is extremely uneven, with density varying from 1 person per square kilometre (3/mi²) in arid regions to 51 per square kilometre (133/mi²) in the mainland's well-watered highlands, to 134 per square kilometre (347/mi²) on Zanzibar. More than 80 percent of the population is rural. Dar es Salaam is the largest city and is the commercial capital; Dodoma, located in the centre of Tanzania is the new capital and houses the Union's Parliament.

The African population consists of more than 120 ethnic groups, of which the Sukuma, the Nyamwezi, the Chagga, the Nyakyusa, the Haya, the Hehe, the Bena, the Gogo and the Makonde all have more than 1 million members. Other groups include the Pare, Zigua, Shambaa and Ngoni. The majority of Tanzanians, including such large ethnic groups as the Sukuma and the Nyamwezi, have Bantu origins. Groups of Nilotic or related origin include the nomadic Maasai and the Luo, both of which are found in greater numbers in neighbouring Kenya. The Sandawe and Hadza speak languages of the Khoisan family peculiar to the people of the Kalahari in southern Africa.

The population also includes people of Arab, Indian, and Pakistani origin, and small European and Chinese communities. Many also identify as Shirazis. As of 1994, the Asian community numbered 50,000 on the mainland and 4,000 on Zanzibar. An estimated 70,000 Arabs and 10,000 Europeans resided in Tanzania. The Zanzibar Revolution of 12 January 1964 ended the local Arab dynasty. Thousands of Arabs and Indians in Zanzibar were massacred in riots, and thousands more were detained or fled the island.

Religion

{{bar box |title=Religion in Tanzania |titlebar=#ddd |left1=Religion |right1=percent |float=right |bars= }} Tanzania's population has been estimated to consist of roughly : – Christian 65%, Muslim 32%, followers of indigenous religious groups 3%. The CIA World Factbook however states that 40% of the population is Christian with Muslim being 35% and indigenous beliefs 25%.

The national census, however, has not asked for religious affiliation since 1967 as the religious balance is seen as a sensitive topic. As Tanzanians pride themselves on living together with their diversity, the use of a statistic that is conveniently equal is seen as avoiding rivalries between the various religious groups by not identifying the majority. All figures on religious statistics for Tanzania are at best educated guesswork and differ widely on the question whether there are more Christians or Muslims. Most assume that the share of traditionalists has dwindled.

The Christian population is mostly composed of OrthodoxandRoman Catholic. Among Protestants the strong numbers of Lutherans and Moravians point to the German past of the country, the numbers of Anglicans to the British history of Tanganyika. All of them have had some influence in varying degrees from the Walokole movement (East African Revival) which has also been fertile ground for the spread of charismatic and Pentecostal groups.

Zanzibar is about 97 percent Muslim. On the mainland, Muslim communities are concentrated in coastal areas, with some large Muslim majorities also in inland urban areas especially and along the former caravan routes. A large majority of the Muslim population is Sunni. The Islamic population of Dar es Salaam, the largest and most richest city in Tanzania, is composed of mainly Shia Muslims.

There are also active communities of other religious groups, primarily on the mainland, such as Buddhists, Hindus, and Baha'is.

Language

English is no longer a de jure official language in Tanzania, which is one of the few African states in which a local language has gained importance to the disadvantage of the ex-colonial language. Since English is still the language of higher courts, it can however be considered a de facto official language. Tanzanians see themselves as having two "official" languages, English and Swahili. Swahili is seen as the unifying language of the country between different tribes, who each have their own tribal language; English serves the purpose of providing Tanzanians with the ability to participate in the global economy and culture. The first language typically learned by a Tanzanian is that of his or her tribe, with Swahili and English learned thereafter.

According to the official linguistic policy of Tanzania, as announced in 1984, Swahili is the language of the social and political sphere as well as primary and adult education, whereas English is the language of secondary education, universities, technology, and higher courts. Though the British government financially supports the use of English in Tanzania, its usage in the Tanzanian society has diminished over the past decades: In the seventies Tanzanian university students used to speak English with each other, whereas now they almost exclusively use Swahili outside the classroom. Even in secondary school and university classes, where officially only English should be used, it is now quite common to use a mix of Swahili and English.

Other spoken languages are Indian languages, especially Gujarati, and Portuguese (spoken by Indians and Mozambican blacks, respectively) and to a lesser extent French (from neighbouring Rwanda, Burundi and Democratic Republic of the Congo). Historically German was widely spoken during that colonial period, but few remain alive who remember that time.

Education

The literacy rate Tanzania is estimated to be 72%. Education is compulsory for seven years, until children reach the age of 15 years, but most children do not attend school until this age, and some do not attend at all. In 2000, 57% of children age 5–14 years were attending school. As of 2006, 87.2% of children who started primary school were likely to reach grade 5.

Health

The under-five mortality rate in 2006 was 118 out of 1,000. Life expectancy at birth in 2006 was 50 years. The 15–60 year old adult mortality rate in 2006 was 518 out of 1,000 males and 493 out of 1,000 females.

The leading cause of death in children who survive the neonatal period is malaria. For adults, it is HIV/AIDS. Anti-retroviral treatment coverage for people with advanced HIV infection in 2006 was 14 percent. Other leading causes of death in under 5’s is pneumococcal disease (pneumonia) and rotavirus (diarrhoea).

2006 data show that 55 percent of the population had sustainable access to improved drinking water sources and 33 percent had sustainable access to improved sanitation.

Culture

The music of Tanzania stretches from traditional African music to the string-based ''taarab'' to a distinctive hip hop known as bongo flava. Famous taarab singers names are Abbasi Mzee, Culture Musical Club, Shakila of Black Star Musical Group.

Internationally known traditional artists are Bi Kidude, Hukwe Zawose and Tatu Nane.

Tanzania has its own distinct African rumba music, termed muziki wa dansi ("dance music") where names of artists/groups like Tabora Jazz, Western Jazz Band, Morogoro Jazz, Volcano Jazz, Simba Wanyika, Remmy Ongala, Marijani Shaabani, Ndala Kasheba, NUTA JAZZ, ATOMIC JAZZ, DDC Mlimani Park, Afro 70 & Patrick Balisidya, Sunburst, Tatu Nane and Orchestra Makassy must be mentioned in the history of Tanzanian music.

Tanzania has many writers. The list of writers' names includes well-known writers such as Godfrey Mwakikagile, Mohamed Said, Abdulrazak Gurnah, Prof. Julius Nyang'oro, Prof. Clement Ndulute, Prof. Frank Chiteji, Prof. Joseph Mbele, Juma Volter Mwapachu, Prof. Issa Shivji, Jenerali Twaha Ulimwengu, Prof. Penina Mlama, Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, Adam Shafi, Dr. Malima M.P Bundala and Shaaban Robert.

Tanzania has remarkable position in art. Two styles became world known: Tingatinga and Makonde. Tingatinga are the popular African paintings painted with enamel paints on canvas. Usually the motifs are animals and flowers in colourful and repetitive design. The style was started by Mr. Edward Saidi Tingatinga born in South Tanzania. Later he moved to Dar Es Salaam. Since his death in 1972 the Tingatinga style expanded both in Tanzania and worldwide. Makonde is both a tribe in Tanzania (and Mozambique) and a modern sculpture style. It is known for the high Ujamaas (Trees of Life) made of the hard and dark ebony tree. Tanzania is also a birthplace of one of the most famous African artists – George Lilanga.

Sports

Filbert Bayi and Suleiman Nyambui both won track and field medals in the 1980 Summer Olympics. Tanzania competes in the Commonwealth Games as well as in the African Championships in Athletics.

Football is widely played all over the country with fans divided between two major clubs, Young African Sports Club (Yanga) and Simba Sports Club (Simba). Football is the most popular sport in Tanzania, despite the little success that has been achieved by the national team. To date, they have never qualified for the FIFA World Cup and have made just one appearance in the African Cup of Nations, back in 1980, where they finished last in their group with just 1 draw and 2 losses.

Basketball is also played but mainly in the army and schools. Hasheem Thabeet is a Tanzanian NBA player who plays for the Houston Rockets. He is the first Tanzanian to play in the NBA. Cricket is a rapidly growing sport in Tanzania after hosting the ICC Cricket League division 4 in 2008, Tanzania finished with one win for the tournament, and Tanzania also has its own national team. Rugby is a minor sport in Tanzania. Tanzania now has a national team, and used to be part of the East Africa team, but got separated. The city of Arusha is home to Tanzanian rugby, and the city was host to 2007 Castel Beer Trophy.

Communities

There are many Tanzanian communities abroad, most helping to reunite all Tanzanians from different countries. These communities have played important roles in many countries where there are no Tanzanian representatives such as Greece, the Netherlands, and others.

The Tanzanian community in Greece can easily be reached from their website. This community is in the front lines helping Tanzanians living in Greece.

Although it is a non-government organization, it has helped many Tanzanians on an event of Force Majeure like deaths, passport processing, and others.

There are also communities in Italy, the US, Canada, Sweden, the U.K, and others, which play important roles in helping Tanzanian expats in those countries.

See also

Education in Tanzania

Foreign relations of Tanzania

List of hospitals in Tanzania

List of Tanzanian companies

Military of Tanzania

Stamps and postal history of Tanzania

Tanzania Scouts Association

Tanzania Wildlife Research Institute

Tanzanian general election, 2005

References

External links

;Government

Chief of State and Cabinet Members

National government website

;General

Tanzania Maps

Tanzania from ''UCB Libraries GovPubs''

The Citizen from ''The Citizen – Tanzania most preferred independent English Newspaper''

Mwananchi from ''Mwananchi – Tanzania's most circulated daily Newspaper (Swahili)''

Mwanaspoti from ''Mwanaspoti – Tanzania most circulated biweekly sports and entertainment Newspaper''

;Culture

www.afrum.com – art from Tanzania

Tinga Tinga paintings

Tinga Tinga Cooperative

;Tourism

Tanzania National Parks

Tanzania.eu

Category:Tanzania Category:African countries Category:Bantu countries and territories Category:Countries of the Indian Ocean Category:East Africa Category:English-speaking countries and territories Category:Least developed countries Category:Member states of the African Union Category:Member states of the Commonwealth of Nations Category:Swahili-speaking countries and territories Category:States and territories established in 1964 Category:Member states of the United Nations

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Coordinates	12°58′0″N77°34′0″N
name	Jakaya Kikwete
order	4th
office	President of Tanzania
term start	25 December 2005
vicepresident	Ali Mohamed Shein (2005-2010)Mohamed Gharib Bilal
primeminister	Edward Lowassa (2005-2008) Mizengo Pinda
predecessor	Benjamin Mkapa
successor	Incumbent
Office2	Chairperson of the African Union
Term start2	31 January 2008
Term end2	2 February 2009
Predecessor2	John Kufuor
Successor2	Muammar al-Gaddafi
office3	Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation
term start3	December 1995
term end3	21 December 2005
president3	Benjamin Mkapa
successor3	Asha-Rose Migiro
office4	Minister of Finance
term start4	1994
term end4	1995
president4	Ali Hassan Mwinyi
successor4	Basil Mramba
birth date	October 07, 1950
birth place	Msoga, Bagamoyo, Tanganyika
nationality	Tanzanian
spouse	Salma Kikwete
party	CCM
residence	State House (''Ikulu''), Dar es Salaam
alma mater	University of Dar es Salaam (B.A.)
religion	Islam
website	http://www.kikwete2010.co.tz/
footnotes	}}

Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete (born October 7, 1950) is the 4th and current President of the United Republic of Tanzania. Kikwete was born in Msoga, Bagamoyo District, Tanganyika in present day Tanzania. Kikwete was also the Chairperson of the African Union from 31 January 2008 to 2 February 2009.

Leadership and political career

Graduating with a degree in economics in 1975, he opted for a low-paying job as an executive functionary/officer of the ruling Party (TANU later CCM). This gave him the opportunity to work at the grassroots in rural regions and districts of Tanzania.

Kikwete sharpened his leadership acumen in the military. He first had basic military training at Ruvu National Service Camp (1972) and later underwent a basic officers course at the famous Tanzania Military Academy at Monduli, Arusha. This is Tanzania’s top military training institution. On successful completion of the course, he was commissioned as a lieutenant in 1976. He also undertook Company Commander's Course in 1983 at the same academy. In his military career, he rose to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. From 1984 to 1986, Kikwete was Chief Political Instructor and Political Commissar at the Military Academy. He retired from the military as a lieutenant-colonel when political pluralism was reintroduced to Tanzania in 1992 when he chose to become a full time politician. Prior to that, he was permitted to be both in the military and political leadership.

In elective Party politics, Kikwete started shining in 1982 when he was overwhelmingly elected by the party (CCM) national congress to be a Member of the National Executive Committee. This is the highest policy and decision-making body of the party. He has won re-elections to the body every five years since then. Also, in 1997, he was elected a member of the party’s powerful 31-member Central Committee (CC). He is still a member of the Central Committee since he was reelected in 2002 for another term of 5 years.

As a party cadre, Kikwete moved from one position to another in the party ranks and from one location to another in the service of the party. When TANU and the Zanzibar’s Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP) merged to form CCM in 1977, Kikwete was moved to Zanzibar and assigned the task of setting-up the new party’s organisation and administration in the Islands. In 1980, he was moved to the Party’s Headquarters as Administrator of the Dar es Salaam Head Office and Head of the Defence and Security Department before moving again up-country – to regional and district party offices in Tabora Region (1981–84) and Nachingwea (1986–88) and Masasi District (1988) in the country’s southern regions of Lindi and Mtwara respectively. President Kikwete throve in the military and grassroots party political organisation, mobilisation and administration until 1988 when he was appointed to join the Central Government. The then President Ally Hassan Mwinyi appointed him Member of Parliament and, simultaneously, Deputy Minister for Energy and Minerals on November 7, 1988. In 1990 he was promoted to full Minister responsible for the Ministry of Water, Energy and Minerals. Later the same year he successfully contested for a parliamentary seat in his home constituency of Bagamoyo. He was reappointed Minister for Water, Energy and Minerals in the government formed after the elections.

In 1994, at 44, he became one of the youngest Finance Ministers in the history of Tanzania. At the Treasury, he established discipline in public finance management and accountability and, until today, he is still remembered for establishing cash budget system and revamping of revenue collection structures, methods and institutions, including preparations for the formation and eventual establishment of the Tanzania Revenue Authority.

In December 1995, he became Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, being appointed by President Benjamin William Mkapaa of the third phase government. He held this post for ten years, until he was elected President of the United Republic of Tanzania in December 2005, hence becoming the country's longest serving foreign minister. During his tenure in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Tanzania played a significant role in bringing about peace in the Great Lakes region, particularly in Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Kikwete was also deeply involved in the process of rebuilding regional integration in East Africa. Specifically, several times, he was involved in a delicate process of establishing a Customs Union between the three countries of the East African Community (Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania), where, for quite some time, he was a Chairman of East Africa Community’s Council of Ministers. Introducing candidate Kikwete at a campaign rally in Dar es Salaam on 21 August 2005, former President Mkapa described him as a super-diplomat, in recognition of his role in the search for peace in neighboring Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Kikwete also participated in the initiation, and became a Co-Chair, of the Helsinki Process on Globalisation and Democracy. On May 4, 2005, Kikwete emerged victorious among 11 CCM members who had sought the party’s nomination for Presidential candidacy in the general election. After a 14 December 2005 multiparty general election, he was declared a winner by the Electoral Commission on December 17, 2005 and was sworn-in as the Fourth President of the United Republic of Tanzania on 21 December 2005.

President Kikwete’s governing philosophy and political views are influenced by those of Julius Nyerere whom the President was close to. So far Kikwete's government has received accolades across the country and in the donor community for fighting corruption, investing in people, particularly in education, and push for new investments.

However, President Kikwete's Government has proved failure in dealing with many issues which are effecting it's people and is now facing mass protests and demonstrations amid the price rise of the major commodities in the country together with the Power shortage Problem. The use of force to intimidate people has become the famous means of preventing protest in the country. In Arusha region at least two people were killed when the main Opposition party's follower went to street to boycott the mayoral election which kept in power the candidate from the ruling party. The Opposition Party CHADEMA was blaming the ruling party for violating the electoral rules.

Also President Kikwete has been blamed for electing his friends to the cabinet, a result of which he has no power to condemn them for their irresponsibility. The example of two consecutive Bomb blasts at Mbagala and Gongo la Mboto arm base respectively in 2009 and 2011 where the Head of army General Mwamunyange as well as the defense minister Mr. Mwinyi were in charge but they insisted that it wasn't their fault for the blast and denied to brief the country about the reason for the blasts. The President himself, kept praising his two official that they are working to secure a country something that raised anger among the victims of Blasts.

Although in the past two years of Kikwete's presidency, a remarkable 1,500 new secondary schools have been built and a new 40,000-student science university has started being built in Dodoma, central Tanzania, the quality of these new schools are very poor, (no teachers, no desks etc.), and there is still a lot that needs to be done. But these successes have led the United States government to grant Tanzania US $698 million under the Millennium Challenge Account assistance program, the UK government US $500 million for education, and the New York based Africa-America Institute (AAI) to award Tanzania the Africa National Achievement Award in September 2007 in New York.

President Kikwete launched a national campaign for voluntary HIV/AIDS testing in Dar es Salaam. He and his wife Mama Salma Kikwete were the first to be tested.

He was elected as Chairman of the African Union on January 31, 2008 at an AU summit in Addis Ababa. His first notable success as AU Chairman was to help bring a two month political crisis in Kenya to an end by brokering a power-sharing deal between Mwai Kibaki and Raila Odinga. He was also one of the first to criticise Robert Mugabe's regime at the most recent summit.

Honours

Honour	Awarded by	Date of Award	Reason for Award
	*Honorary doctorate degree in Law	style="text-align:center;"		in recognition of his dedicated public service
	*Honorary degree (Doctor of Humane Letters)			in recognition of his efforts in solving conflicts and ensuring peace in Africa
	*Honorary doctorate in the science field of International Relations	style="text-align:center;"		for promoting international relations between Turkey and Tanzania
	*Honorary doctorate degree of Public Health			for his efforts in modernizing the health sector and ensuring higher learning opportunities for health workers

See also

Tanzanian elections, 2005

Tanzania People's Defence Force

Tanzania

Zanzibar

History of Tanzania

Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD-IV), 2008.

References

External links

Government of Tanzania

Ippmedia Interview with Col Kikwete

BBC Profile

Jakaya Kikwete Swearing-In Ceremony

{{s-ttl|title=Chairperson of the African Union |years=31 January 2008 - 2 February 2009}}

Category:1950 births Category:Living people Category:Presidents of Tanzania Category:Chairmen of the African Union Category:People from Bagamoyo District Category:Tanzanian Muslims Category:Tanganyika African National Union politicians Category:Chama cha Mapinduzi politicians Category:Current national leaders Category:University of Dar es Salaam alumni

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Coordinates	12°58′0″N77°34′0″N
Birth name	David Takayoshi Suzuki
Birth date	March 24, 1936
Birth place	Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada
Residence	Kitsilano, Vancouver, Canada
Citizenship	Canadian
Nationality	Canadian
Ethnicity	Japanese Canadian
Signature	David Suzuki Signature.svg
Footnotes	}}

David Takayoshi Suzuki, CC, OBC (born March 24, 1936) is a Canadian academic, science broadcaster and environmental activist. Suzuki earned a Ph.D in zoology from the University of Chicago in 1961, and was a professor in the genetics department of the University of British Columbia from 1963 until his retirement in 2001. Since the mid-1970s, Suzuki has been known for his TV and radio series and books about nature and the environment. He is best known as host of the popular and long-running CBC Television science magazine, ''The Nature of Things'', seen in syndication in over forty nations. He is also well known for criticizing governments for their lack of action to protect the environment.

A long time activist to reverse global climate change, Suzuki co-founded the David Suzuki Foundation in 1990, to work "to find ways for society to live in balance with the natural world that sustains us." The Foundation's priorities are: oceans and sustainable fishing, climate change and clean energy, sustainability, and Suzuki's Nature Challenge. He also served as a director of the Canadian Civil Liberties Association from 1982-1987.

Suzuki was awarded the Right Livelihood Award in 2009.

Early life

Suzuki has a twin sister named Marcia, as well as two other siblings, Geraldine (now known as Aiko) and Jenny. They were born to Setsu Nakamura and Kaoru Carr Suzuki in Vancouver, Canada. Suzuki's maternal and paternal grandparents had immigrated to Canada at the beginning of the 20th century from Hiroshima and Aichi Prefecture respectively.

A third-generation Japanese-Canadian ("Canadian Sansei"), Suzuki and his family suffered internment in British Columbia during the Second World War from when he was there (1942) until after the war ended. In June 1942, the government sold the Suzuki family's dry-cleaning business, then interned Suzuki, his mother, and two sisters in a camp at Slocan in the British Columbia Interior. His father had been sent to a labour camp in Solsqua two months earlier. Suzuki's sister, Jenny, was born in the internment camp.

After the war, Suzuki's family, like other Japanese Canadian families, was forced to move east of the Rockies. The Suzukis moved to Islington, Leamington, and London, Ontario. Suzuki, in interviews, has many times credited his father for having interested him in and sensitized him to nature.

Suzuki attended Mill Street Elementary School and Grade 9 at Leamington Secondary School before moving to London, where he attended London Central Secondary School, eventually winning the election to become Students' Council President in his last year there by more votes than all of the other candidates combined.

Academic career

Suzuki received his BA from Amherst College of Massachusetts in 1958, and his Ph.D in zoology from the University of Chicago in 1961.

Early in his research career he studied genetics, using the popular model organism ''Drosophila melanogaster'' (fruit flies). To be able to use his initials in naming any new genes he found, he studied dominant temperature-sensitive phenotypes (DTS). (As he jokingly noted at a lecture at Johns Hopkins University, the only alternative was "damn tough skin".) He was a professor in the genetics department (stated in his book Genethics: The Ethics of Engineering Life, 1988) at the University of British Columbia for almost forty years (from 1963 until his retirement in 2001), and has since been professor emeritus at a university research institute.

Broadcasting career

Suzuki began in television in 1970 with the weekly children's show ''Suzuki on Science''. In 1974, he founded the radio programme ''Quirks and Quarks'' which he also hosted on CBC Radio One from 1975 to 1979. Throughout the 1970s, he also hosted ''Science Magazine'', a weekly programme geared towards an adult audience.

Since 1979, Suzuki has hosted ''The Nature of Things'', a CBC television series that has aired in nearly fifty countries worldwide. In this program, Suzuki's aim is to stimulate interest in the natural world, to point out threats to human well-being and wildlife habitat, and to present alternatives for achieving a more sustainable society. Suzuki has been a prominent proponent of renewable energy sources and the soft energy path.

Suzuki was the host of the critically acclaimed 1993 PBS series ''The Secret of Life''. His 1985 hit series, ''A Planet for the Taking'', averaged more than 1.8 million viewers per episode and earned him a United Nations Environment Programme Medal. His perspective in this series is summed up in his statement: "We have both a sense of the importance of the wilderness and space in our culture and an attitude that it is limitless and therefore we needn't worry." He concludes with a call for a major "perceptual shift" in our relationship with nature and the wild.

Suzuki's ''The Sacred Balance'', a book first published in 1997 and later made into a five hour mini-series on Canadian public television, was broadcasted in 2002. Suzuki is now taking part in an advertisement campaign with the tagline "You have the power", promoting energy conservation through various household alternatives, such as the use of compact fluorescent lightbulbs.

For the Discovery Channel Suzuki also produced "Yellowstone to Yukon: The Wildlands Project" in 1997. The conservation-biology based documentary focused on Dave Foreman's Wildlands Project, which considers how to create corridors between and buffer-zones around large wilderness reserves as a means to preserve biological diversity. Foreman developed this project after leaving Earth First! (which he co-founded) in 1990. The conservation biologists Michael Soulé and Reed Noss were also directly involved.

Climate change activism

In recent years, Suzuki has been a forceful spokesperson on global climate change, not always without controversy. In February 2008, he urged McGill University students to speak out against politicians who fail to act on climate change, stating "What I would challenge you to do is to put a lot of effort into trying to see whether there's a legal way of throwing our so-called leaders into jail because what they're doing is a criminal act."

Suzuki is unequivocal that climate change is a very real and pressing problem and that an "overwhelming majority of scientists" now agree that human activity is responsible. The David Suzuki Foundation website has a clear statement of this:

The debate is over about whether or not climate change is real. Irrefutable evidence from around the world - including extreme weather events, record temperatures, retreating glaciers, and rising sea levels - all point to the fact climate change is happening now and at rates much faster than previously thought.

The overwhelming majority of scientists who study climate change agree that human activity is responsible for changing the climate. The United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) is one of the largest bodies of international scientists ever assembled to study a scientific issue, involving more than 2,500 scientists from more than 130 countries. The IPCC has concluded that most of the warming observed during the past 50 years is attributable to human activities. Its findings have been publicly endorsed by the National Academies of Science of all G-8 nations, as well as those of China, India and Brazil.

Suzuki says that despite this growing consensus, many in the public and the media seemed doubtful about the science for many years. The reason for the confusion about climate change, in Suzuki's view, was due to a well-organized campaign of disinformation about the science involved. "A very small number of critics" denies that climate change exists and that humans are the cause. These climate change “skeptics” or "deniers," Suzuki claims, tend not to be climate scientists and do not publish in peer-reviewed scientific journals but rather target the media, the general public, and policy makers. Their goal: "delaying action on climate change." According to Suzuki, the skeptics have received significant funding from coal and oil companies, including ExxonMobil. They are linked to "industry-funded lobby groups," such as the Information Council on the Environment (ICE), whose aim is to "reposition global warming as theory (not fact)."

Carbon footprint

According to a CBC television interview David Suzuki has had one of the largest carbon footprint of anyone on the planet due to his constant airplane travel throughout his life, vacations in Bali and Australia and siring five children. Well into his seventies, he took up lecturing others not to follow what he did damaging the environment.. Suzuki himself laments that in traveling constantly to spread his message of climate responsibility, he's "over his [carbon] limit by hundreds of tonnes." He has stopped vacationing overseas and taken to "clustering" his speaking engagements together to reduce his carbon footprint. He would prefer, he says, to appear solely by video conference.

Publications

Suzuki is the author of 52 books (fifteen for children), including ''David Suzuki: The Autobiography'', ''Tree: A Life Story'', ''The Sacred Balance'', ''Genethics'', ''Wisdom of the Elders'', ''Inventing the Future'', and the best-selling ''Looking At'' series of children’s science books. This is a partial list of publications by Suzuki:

''Sciencescape - The Nature of Canada (1986) - with Hans Blohm and Marjorie Harris

''Pebbles to Computers: The Thread (1986) - with Hans Blohm and Stafford Beer

''Metamorphosis: Stages in a life (1987)

''Genethics: The Clash between the New Genetics and Human Values'' (1990)

''It's a Matter of Survival'' (1991) ISBN 0674469704

''[Time to Change]'' (1994)

''The Japan We Never Knew:A Journey of Discovery'' (1997) with Keibo Oiwa

''More Good News'' (2003)

''David Suzuki: The Autobiography'' (2006)

''The Sacred Balance'' (2007)

''David Suzuki's Green Guide'' (2008) with David Boyd

''The Big Picture: Reflections on Science, Humanity, and a Quickly Changing Planet'' (2009) with David Taylor

''The Legacy: An Elder's vision for a sustainable future'' (2010) foreword by Margaret Atwood

Awards and honours

Suzuki is the recipient of the Order of Canada, first as an Officer (1976), then upgraded to Companion status in (2006), the Order of British Columbia (1995), UNESCO’s Kalinga Prize for science (1986) and a long list of Canadian and international honours.

In 2004, Suzuki was nominated as one of the top ten "Greatest Canadians" by viewers of the CBC. In the final vote he ranked fifth. Suzuki said that his own vote was for Tommy Douglas who was the eventual winner.

In 2006, Suzuki was the recipient of the Bradford Washburn Award presented at the Museum of Science in Boston, Massachusetts.

In 2009 Suzuki was awarded the Honorary Right Livelihood Award.

In 2010, Suzuki received two honors from Future-ish: he was named a "Citizen of the Next Century" and inducted into the Public Intellectual Service & Advocacy (PISA) Society.

Honorary degrees

Suzuki has received numerous honorary degrees from universities around the world.

University of Prince Edward Island in Charlottetown (LL.D) in 1974

University of Windsor in Windsor, Ontario (D.Sc) in 1979

Acadia University in Wolfville, Nova Scotia (D.Sc) in 1979

Trent University in Peterborough, Ontario (LL.D) in 1981

University of Calgary in Calgary, Alberta (LL.D) in 1986

Governors State University in University Park, Illinois (DHL) in 1986

Lakehead University in Thunder Bay, Ontario (D.Sc) in 1986

McMaster University in Hamilton, Ontario (D.Sc) in 1987

Queen's University in Kingston, Ontario (LL.D) in 1987

Carleton University in Ottawa, Ontario (D.Sc) in 1987

Amherst College in Amherst, Massachusetts, (D.Sc) in 1988

Griffith University in Queensland, Australia (D.Sc) in 1997

Open University, Milton Keynes, UK DDL in 1998

Whitman College in Walla Walla, Washington, (D.Sc) in 1999

Unity College in Unity, Maine, (Doctor of Environmental Science) in 2000

Simon Fraser University in Burnaby, British Columbia DDL in 2001

York University in Toronto, Ontario (D.Sc) in 2005

UQAM in Montreal, Quebec (D.Sc) in 2005

Flinders University in Adelaide, South Australia (D.Sc) in 2006

Ryerson University in Toronto, Ontario (Doctor of Communication) in 2007

University of Montreal in Montreal, Quebec (D.Sc) in 2007

University of Western Ontario in London, Ontario (D.Sc) in 2007

Lambton College in Sarnia, Ontario (Diploma in Alternative Energy Engineering Technology) in 2008

Memorial University of Newfoundland in St. John's, Newfoundland (D.Sc) in 2009

Université Sainte-Anne in Church Point, Nova Scotia, Nova Scotia (Honorary Doctorate) in 2010

Laval University in Québec, Canada (Doctor of Communication) in 2011

Family

Suzuki was married to Setsuko Joane Sunahara from 1958 to 1965, with three children (Tamiko, Troy, and Laura). He married Tara Elizabeth Cullis in 1972 and had two daughters: Sarika Cullis-Suzuki and Severn Cullis-Suzuki. Severn, born in 1979, has also done environmental work, including speaking at environmental conferences.

Suzuki's Japanese name is but he is always known by his English name to the public, even in Japanese scientific and popular literature (using Romaji). Suzuki lives in the Kitsilano area of Vancouver.

See also

Conservation biology

Environmentalism

Soft energy path

References

Footnotes

Notations

John C. Phillipson. "David Takayoshi Suzuki" in ''The Canadian Encyclopedia: Year 2000 Edition'', James Marsh, ed. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1999. p. 2277. ISBN 0771020996

David Suzuki. ''Metamorphosis.'' Toronto: Stoddart, 1991. ISBN 0773755098

Further reading

External links

The David Suzuki Foundation

''Nature of Things'' official website

video: "David Suzuki - "Force of Nature", Dec. 14, 2010, with Allan Gregg, 28 minutes,

Right Livelihood Award

Category:Amherst College alumni Category:Canadian environmentalists Category:Canadian geneticists Category:Canadian television hosts Category:Companions of the Order of Canada Category:Kalinga Prize recipients Category:Canadian people of Japanese descent Category:Members of the Order of British Columbia Category:Non-fiction environmental writers Category:People from Vancouver Category:Twin people from Canada Category:University of British Columbia faculty Category:University of Chicago alumni Category:Right Livelihood Award laureates Category:1936 births Category:Living people Category:Canadian atheists

ar:ديفيد سوزوكي ca:David Suzuki cs:David Suzuki da:David Suzuki de:David Suzuki fr:David Suzuki ko:데이비드 스즈키 it:David Suzuki nl:David Suzuki ja:デヴィッド・スズキ no:David Suzuki pl:David Suzuki ru:Судзуки, Дэвид Такаёси sc:David Suzuki zh:大衛·鈴木

William O. Cowger (January 1, 1922 – October 2, 1971), a Republican, served as mayor of Louisville, Kentucky and as a member of the United States House of Representatives.

Cowger was born in Hastings, Nebraska. He moved to Louisville, Kentucky to study political science at the University of Louisville. After other graduate work and military service in World War II, he returned to Louisville and became president of a mortgage loan company. In 1961, Cowger was elected mayor of Louisville for a single four-year term. (State law at the time did not allow him to seek re-election.) Cowger was then elected to the United States House of Representatives in 1966 and served in the House of Representatives from January 3, 1967 to January 3, 1971. Cowger unsuccessfully sought re-election in 1970 while dealing with a fatal illness, but was defeated by Democrat Romano L. Mazzoli. After his defeat, Cowger returned to his mortgage business Louisville and died less than one year after. He is buried in Cave Hill Cemetery in Louisville.

External links

Category:1922 births Category:1971 deaths Category:Mayors of Louisville, Kentucky Category:Members of the United States House of Representatives from Kentucky Category:Louisville politicians Category:Burials at Cave Hill Cemetery

Coordinates	12°58′0″N77°34′0″N
Name	Yoweri Museveni
Order	President of Uganda
Primeminister	Samson KisekkaGeorge Cosmas AdyeboKintu MusokeApolo NsibambiPatrick Amama Mbabazi
Vicepresident	Samson KisekkaSpecioza Wandera KazibweGilbert BukenyaEdward Kiwanuka Ssekandi
Term start	26 January 1986
Predecessor	Tito Okello Lutwa
Birth place	Ntungamo, Uganda
Party	National Resistance Movement
Spouse	Janet Kataha
Religion	Anglican }}

Yoweri Kaguta Museveni () (born c. 1939) is a Ugandan politician and statesman. He has been President of Uganda since 26 January 1986.

Museveni was involved in the war that deposed Idi Amin Dada, ending his rule in 1979, and in the rebellion that subsequently led to the demise of the Milton Obote regime in 1985. With the notable exception of northern areas, Museveni has brought relative stability and economic growth to a country that has endured decades of government mismanagement, rebel activity and civil war. His tenure has also witnessed one of the most effective national responses to HIV/AIDS in Africa.

In the mid-to-late 1990s, Museveni was lauded by the West as part of a new generation of African leaders. His presidency has been marred, however, by invading and occupying Congo during the Second Congo War (the war in the Democratic Republic of Congo which has resulted in an estimated 5.4 million deaths since 1998) and other conflicts in the Great Lakes region. Rebellion in the north of Uganda by the Lord's Resistance Army continues to perpetuate one of the world's worst humanitarian crises. Recent developments, including the abolition of presidential term limits before the 2006 elections and the harassment of democratic opposition, have attracted concern from domestic commentators and the international community.

Early life and career (1944–1972)

Born in Ntungamo, Uganda Protectorate, Museveni is a member of the Banyankole ethnic group and his surname, Museveni, means "Son of a man of the Seventh", in honour of the Seventh Battalion of the King's African Rifles, the British colonial army in which many Ugandans served during World War II.

Museveni gets his middle name from his father, Amos Kaguta, a cattle herder. Amos Kaguta is also the father of Museveni's brother Caleb Akandwanaho, popularly known in Uganda as "Salim Saleh", and sister Violet Kajubiri.

Museveni attended Kyamate Elementary School, Mbarara High School, and Ntare School. It was while at high school that he became a born-again Christian. In 1967, he went to the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania. There, he studied economics and political science and became a Marxist, involving himself in radical pan-African politics. While at university, he formed the University Students' African Revolutionary Front activist group and led a student delegation to FRELIMO territory in Portuguese Mozambique, where he received guerrilla training. Studying under the leftist Walter Rodney, among others, Museveni wrote a university thesis on the applicability of Frantz Fanon's ideas on revolutionary violence to post-colonial Africa.

In 1970, Museveni joined the intelligence service of Ugandan President Dr. Apolo Milton Obote. When Major General Idi Amin seized power in a January 1971 military coup, Museveni fled to Tanzania with other exiles, including the deposed president. The power bases of Amin and Obote were very different, leading to a significant ethnic and regional aspect to the resulting conflict. Obote was from the Lango ethnic group of the central north, while Amin was a Kakwa from the northwestern corner of the country. The British colonial government had organized the colony's internal politics so that the Lango and Acholi dominated the national military, while people from southern parts of the country were active in business. This situation endured until the coup, when Amin filled the top positions of government with Kakwa and Lugbara and violently repressed the Lango and their Acholi allies.

FRONASA and the toppling of Amin (1972–80)

The exile forces opposed to Idi Amin, who were predominantly Lango and Acholi, invaded Uganda from Tanzania in September 1972 and were repelled, suffering heavy losses. The situation of the rebels was compounded by a peace agreement signed later in the year by Tanzania and Uganda, in which rebels were denied the use of Tanzanian soil for aggression against Uganda. Museveni briefly worked as a lecturer at a co-operative college in Moshi, in northern Tanzania, before breaking away from the mainstream opposition and forming the Front for National Salvation (FRONASA) in 1973. In August of the same year, he married Janet Kataha, a former secretary and airline stewardess with whom he would have four children. In October 1978, Amin ordered the invasion of Tanzania in order to claim the Kagera province for Uganda. From 24 to 26 March 1979, Museveni and FRONASA attended a gathering of exiles and rebel groups in the northern Tanzanian town of Moshi. Overcoming ideological differences, for the time being at least, the various groups established the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF). Museveni was appointed to an 11-member Executive Council, chaired by Yusuf Kironde Lule. This was accompanied by a National Consultative Council (NCC) with one member for each of the 28 groups represented at the meeting. The UNLF joined forces with the Tanzanian army to launch a counter-attack which culminated in the toppling of the Amin regime in April 1979. Museveni was named the new Minister of State for Defence in the new UNLF government. He was the youngest minister in Yusuf Lule's administration. The thousands of troops which Museveni recruited into FRONASA during the war were incorporated into the new national army. They retained their loyalty to Museveni, however, and would be crucial in later rebellions against the second Obote regime.

The NCC selected Godfrey Binaisa as the new chairman of the UNLF after infighting led to the deposition of Yusuf Lule in June 1979. Machinations to consolidate power continued with Binaisa in a similar manner to his predecessor. In November, Museveni was reshuffled from the Ministry of Defence to the Ministry of Regional Cooperation, with Binaisa himself taking over the key defence role. In May 1980, Binaisa himself was placed under house arrest after an attempt to dismiss Oyite Ojok, the army chief of staff – in what was a de facto coup led by Paulo Muwanga, Yoweri Museveni, Oyite Ojok and Tito Okello. A Presidential Commission, with Museveni as Vice-Chairman, was installed and quickly announced plans for a general election in December.

Now a relatively well-known national figure, Museveni established a new political party, the Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM), which he would lead in the elections. He would be competing against three other political groupings: the Uganda People's Congress (UPC), led by former president Milton Obote; the Conservative Party (CP); the Democratic Party (DP). The main contenders were seen to be the UPC and DP. The official results declared UPC the winner with Museveni's UPM gaining only one of the 126 available seats. A number of irregularities compromised the credibility of the poll. In the planning of the election, the leader of the ruling commission, Paulo Muwanga, supported the UPC's view that each candidate should have a separate ballot box. This was fiercely opposed by the other parties, which maintained that it would make the poll easier to manipulate. The configuration of political boundaries may also have aided the UPC. Constituencies in generally pro-UPC northern Uganda contained proportionally less voters than the anti-UPC Buganda, giving more power to Obote's party. Suspicions of fraud were compounded by Muwanga's announcement on the day of the election that all results should be cleared by him before they were announced publicly. The losing parties refused to recognise the legitimacy of the new regime, citing widespread electoral irregularities.

The war in the bush (1981–86)

Obote II and the National Resistance Army

Museveni returned with his supporters to their rural strongholds in the Bantu-dominated south and southwest to form the Popular Resistance Army (PRA). There they planned a rebellion against the second Obote regime, popularly known as "Obote II", and its armed forces, the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA). The insurgency began with an attack on an army installation in the central Mubende district on 6 February 1981. The PRA later merged with former president Yusufu Lule's fighting group, the Uganda Freedom Fighters (UFF), to create the National Resistance Army (NRA) with its political wing, the National Resistance Movement (NRM). Two other rebel groups, the Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF) and Former Uganda National Army (FUNA), formed in West Nile from the remnants of Amin's supporters, engaged Obote's forces.

The NRM/A developed a "Ten-point Programme" for an eventual government, covering democracy, security, consolidation of national unity, defending national independence, building an independent, integrated and self-sustaining economy, improvement of social services, elimination of corruption and misuse of power, redressing inequality, cooperation with other African countries and a mixed economy.

By July 1985, Amnesty International estimated that the Obote regime had been responsible for more than 300,000 civilian deaths across Uganda, although the CIA World Factbook puts the number at over 100,000. The human rights organisation had made several representations to the government to improve its appalling human rights record from 1982. Abuses were particularly conspicuous in an area of central Uganda known as the Luweero Triangle. Reports from Uganda during this period brought international criticism to the Obote regime and increased support abroad for Museveni's rebel force. Within Uganda, the brutal suppression of the insurgency aligned the Buganda, the most numerous of Uganda's ethnic groups, with the NRA against the UNLA, which was seen as being dominated by northerners, especially the Lango and Acholi. Until his death in 2005, Milton Obote blamed the Luwero abuses on the NRA.

1985 Nairobi Agreement

On 27 July 1985, subfactionalism within the UPC government led to a successful military coup against Obote by his former army commander, Lieutenant-General Tito Okello, an Acholi. Museveni and the NRM/A were angry that the revolution for which they had fought for four years had been "hijacked" by the UNLA, which they viewed as having been discredited by gross human rights violations during Obote II. Despite these reservations, however, the NRM/A eventually agreed to peace talks presided over by a Kenyan delegation headed by President Daniel arap Moi.

The talks, which lasted from 26 August to 17 December, were notoriously acrimonious and the resultant ceasefire broke down almost immediately. The final agreement, signed in Nairobi, called for a ceasefire, demilitarisation of Kampala, integration of the NRA and government forces, and absorption of the NRA leadership into the Military Council. These conditions were never met.

The prospects of a lasting agreement were limited by several factors, including the Kenyan team's lack of an in-depth knowledge of the situation in Uganda and the exclusion of relevant Ugandan and international actors from the talks, inter alia. In the end, Museveni and his allies refused to share power with generals they did not respect, not least while the NRA had the capacity to achieve an outright military victory.

The push for Kampala

While supposedly involved in the peace negotiations, Museveni had courted General Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire in an attempt to forestall the involvement of Zairean forces in support of Okello's military junta. On 20 January 1986, however, several hundred troops loyal to Idi Amin were accompanied into Ugandan territory by the Zairean military. The forces intervened in the civil conflict following secret training in Zaire and an appeal from Okello ten days previously. Mobutu's support for Okello was a score Museveni would settle years later, ordering Ugandan forces into the conflict which would finally topple the Zairean leader.

By this stage, however, the NRA had developed an unstoppable momentum. By 22 January, government troops in Kampala had begun to quit their posts en masse as the rebels gained ground from the south and south-west. On the 25th, the Museveni-led faction finally overran the capital. The NRA toppled Okello's government and declared victory the next day.

Museveni was sworn in as president three days later on 26 January. "This is not a mere change of guard, it is a fundamental change," said Museveni after a ceremony conducted by British-born chief justice Peter Allen. Speaking to crowds of thousands outside the Ugandan parliament, the new president promised a return to democracy and said: "The people of Africa, the people of Uganda, are entitled to a democratic government. It is not a favour from any regime. The sovereign people must be the public, not the government."

Museveni in power (1986–96)

Political and economic regeneration

The post-Amin regimes in Uganda were characterised by corruption, factionalism and an inability to restore order and acquire popular legitimacy. Museveni needed to avoid repeating these mistakes if his new government was not to befall the same fate. The NRM declared a four-year interim government, composing a broader ethnic base than its predecessors. The representatives of the various factions were nevertheless hand-picked by Museveni. The sectarian violence which had overshadowed Uganda's recent history was put forward as a justification for restricting the activities of the political parties and their ethnically distinct supporter bases. The non-party system did not prohibit political parties, but prevented them from fielding candidates directly in elections. The so-called "Movement" system, which Museveni said claimed the loyalty of every Ugandan, would be a cornerstone in politics for nearly twenty years.

A system of Resistance Councils, directly elected at the parish level, was established to manage local affairs, including the equitable distribution of fixed-price commodities. The election of Resistance Councils representatives was the first direct experience many Ugandans had with democracy after many decades of varying levels of authoritarianism, and the replication of the structure up to the district level has been credited with helping even people at the local level understand the higher-level political structures.

The new government enjoyed widespread international support, and the economy that had been damaged by the civil war began to recover as Museveni initiated economic policies designed to combat key problems such as hyperinflation and the balance of payments. Abandoning his Marxist ideals, Museveni embraced the neoliberal structural adjustments advocated by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

Uganda began participating in an IMF Economic Recovery Program (ERP) in 1987. Its objectives included the restoration of incentives in order to encourage growth, investment, employment and exports; the promotion and diversification of trade with particular emphasis on export promotion; the removal of bureaucratic constraints and divestment from ailing public enterprises so as to enhance sustainable economic growth and development through the private sector; the liberalisation of trade at all levels.

Regional relations and conflict

After January 1986,Field Marshall Morgan Kabugo and Museveni managed as Commanders-in-Chief of the NRA. The Kenyan government of Daniel arap Moi was initially suspicious of the new NRM government's alleged support for Kenyan dissident groups. Tensions culminated in a non-violent military standoff at Busia on the Kenya-Uganda border in late 1987. Any closure of borders with Kenya would have been extremely damaging to landlocked Uganda's economy, whose access to the Indian Ocean via the port at Mombasa depends upon Kenya.

During their guerrilla war against the government of Milton Obote, the National Resistance Army recruited anyone who was willing to fight, regardless of nationality. Persecution at the hands of the Obote regime encouraged many Rwandan exiles living in Uganda to join the ranks of the NRA. Several years into the Museveni government, the Ugandan army still had several thousand Rwandans on its payroll. On the night of 30 September 1990, 4,000 Rwandan members of the NRA left their barracks in secrecy, joining other forces to invade Rwanda from Ugandan territory. It transpired that the Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF) was operating a large membership within the NRA using a clandestine cell structure.

The RPF was a movement of Rwandan exiles opposed to the government of Juvénal Habyarimana who were linked to Museveni and the NRM. It must be remembered that Museveni was also trying gain roots to his ancestors in Rwanda. Being a Tutsi himself he played a key role in ensuring that his brothers and sisters find solace at home.RPF leaders included Fred Rwigema and Paul Kagame, both Rwandan exiles and founder members of the NRM. During the initial stages of the invasion, Museveni and Habyarimana were both attending a UN summit in the United States. It has been claimed that the date for the RPF mobilisation was set to allow Museveni to distance himself from their actions until it was too late to stop them. The Rwandan army managed to expel the invasion only after extensive reinforcement from Belgium, France and Zaire.

Museveni was blamed for complicity in the September 1990 invasion and/or not having control of his army. The RPF melted away into the Virunga Mountains straddling the Rwanda-Uganda border. The Habyarimana government accused Uganda of allowing the RPF to use its territory as a rear base, responding by shelling Ugandan villages on the border. Uganda is widely believed to have returned fire, which would probably have protected RPF positions. These exchanges forced more than 60,000 from their homes. Despite the negotiation of a security pact, in which both countries agreed to cooperate in maintaining security along their common border, a resurgent RPF had occupied much of the northern territory of Rwanda by 1992.

In April 1994, a plane carrying President Habyarimana of Rwanda and President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi was shot down over Kigali airport. This precipitated the Rwandan genocide in which an estimated 800,000 people perished. The Rwandan Patriotic Front overran Kigali and took power with the help of the Ugandan army.

In April 1995, Uganda cut off diplomatic relations with Sudan in protest at Khartoum's support for the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), a rebel group active in northern Uganda. Sudan, in turn, claimed that Uganda was providing support to the Sudan People's Liberation Army. Both groups were suspected of operating across the porous Uganda-Sudan border. Disputes between Uganda and Sudan date back to at least 1988. Ugandan refugees sought shelter in southern Sudan during the Amin and Obote II regimes. After the NRM had come to power in 1986, however, many of these refugees joined the Ugandan rebel groups including the West Nile Bank Front and later the LRA. For a significant period, the Museveni government viewed Sudan as the most significant threat to Ugandan security.

Internal security and human rights

The NRM came to power promising to restore security and respect for human rights. Indeed, this was part of the NRM's ten-point programme, as Museveni noted in his swearing in speech:

Although Museveni now headed up a new government in Kampala, the NRM could not project its influence fully across Ugandan territory, finding itself fighting a number of insurgencies. From the beginning of Museveni's presidency, he drew strong support from the Bantu-speaking south and southwest, where Museveni had his base. Museveni managed to get the Karamojong, a group of semi-nomads in the sparsely populated north-east that had never had a significant political voice, to align with him by offering them a stake in the new government. However, the northern region along the Sudanese border proved more troublesome. In the West Nile sub-region, inhabited by Kakwa and Lugbara (who had previously supported Amin), the UNRF and FUNA rebel groups fought for years until a combination of military offensives and diplomacy pacified the region; the leader of the UNRF, Moses Ali, gave up his struggle to become Second Deputy Prime Minister. People from the northern parts of the country viewed the rise of a government led by a person from the south with great trepidation. Rebel groups sprang up among the Lango, Acholi and Teso, though they were overwhelmed by the strength of the NRA except in the far north where the Sudanese border provided a safe haven. The Acholi rebel Uganda People's Democratic Army (UPDA) failed to dislodge the NRA occupation of Acholiland, leading to the desperate chiliasm of the Holy Spirit Movement (HSM). The defeat of both the UPDA and HSM left the rebellion to a group that eventually became known as the Lord's Resistance Army, which would turn upon the Acholi themselves.

The NRA subsequently earned a reputation for respecting the rights of civilians, – although Museveni later received criticism for using child soldiers. Undisciplined elements within the NRA's soon tarnished a hard-won reputation for fairness. "When Museveni's men first came they acted very well – we welcomed them," said one villager, "but then they started to arrest people and kill them."

In March 1989, Amnesty International published a human rights report on Uganda, entitled ''Uganda, the Human Rights Record 1986–1989''. It documented gross human rights violations committed by NRA troops. In one of the most intense phases of the war, between October and December 1988, the NRA forcibly cleared approximately 100,000 people from their homes in and around Gulu town. Soldiers committed hundreds of extrajudicial executions as they forcibly moved people, burning down homes and granaries. However, there were few reports of the systematic torture, equivalent to those committed during Amin and Obote's regimes. In its conclusion, the report offered some hope:

A new democratic mandate (1996–2001)

Elections

The first Elections under Museveni's governance were held on 9 May 1996. Museveni defeated Paul Ssemogerere of the Democratic Party, who contested the election as a candidate for the "Inter-party forces coalition", and the upstart candidate, Mohamed Mayanja. Museveni won with a landslide 75.5 per cent of the vote from a turnout of 72.6 per cent of eligible voters. Although international and domestic observers described the vote as valid, both the losing candidates rejected the results. Museveni was sworn in as president for the second time on 12 May 1996.

The main weapon in Museveni's campaign was the restoration of security and economic normality to much of the country. A memorable electoral image produced by his team depicted a pile of skulls in the Luwero Triangle. This powerful symbolism was not lost on the inhabitants of this region, who had suffered rampant insecurity during the civil war. The other candidates had difficulty matching Museveni's efficacy in communicating his key message. Museveni seemed to have a remarkable ability to relate political messages by using grass-roots language, especially with people from the south. The metaphor of "carrying a grindstone for leadership", referring to an "authoritative individual, bearing the burden of authority", was just one of many imaginative images he created for his campaign. He would often deliver these in the appropriate local colloquial language, demonstrating respect and attempting to transcend tribalistic politics. Museveni's fluency in English, Luganda, Runyankole and Swahili often helped him forward his message.

Until the prospect of presidential elections, Ssemogerere (Museveni's concurrent political rival) had been a minister in the NRM government. His decision to challenge the record of Museveni and the NRM, rather than claim a stake in Museveni's "movement", was seen as naive opportunism, and regarded as a political error. Ssemogerere's alliance with the UPC was anathema to the Baganda, who might otherwise have lent him some support as the leader of the Democratic Party. Ssemogerere also accused Museveni of being a Rwandan, a statement often repeated by Museveni's opponents because of his birthplace near the Uganda-Rwanda border, and his supposedly Rwandan origins (Museveni claims to be an ethnic Munyankole, kin to the Banyarwanda of Rwanda), and his army of being dominated by Rwandans, which included current Rwandan president Paul Kagame.

In 1997 he introduced free primary education.

The second set of elections were held in 2001. President Museveni beat his rival Kizza Besigye as he sailed through with 69% of the vote. Dr Besigye had been a close confidant of the president and he was his bush war physician. They however had a fallout shortly before the 2001 elections, when Dr Besigye decided to stand for presidency. The 2001 election campaigns were a heated affair with president Museveni threatening his rival to put him "six feet under".

The election culminated into a petition filed by Dr Besigye at the Supreme Court of Uganda. The court ruled that the elections were not free and fair but declined to nullify the outcome by a 3:2 majority decision. It was held that the many cases of election malpractice did not however affect the result in a substantial manner. Justices Benjamin Odoki (Chief justice), Alfrerd Karokora, and Joseph Mulenga ruled in favor of the respondents while Justices Aurthur Haggai Oder (RIP) and John Tsekoko ruled in favor of Dr Besigye.

The most recent presidential elections were held in 2006 where again Museveni prevailed over Dr Besigye scoring 59% of the vote. The election petition in this case had more evidence of election malpractice but by a 4:3 decision, the result was upheld. As before, the judges ruled as they ruled in the 2001 petition. The additional two judges were Justice George W. Kanyeihamba ruling in favor of Dr Besigye and Justice Bart Katureebe in favor of President Museveni and the electoral commission. Dr Besigye predicted that that could be the last presidential election petition filed in the then constituted Supreme court.

International recognition

Museveni has won praise from Western governments for his adherence to IMF Structural adjustment programs, i.e. privatising state enterprises, cutting government spending and urging African self-reliance. Museveni was elected chairperson of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1991 and 1992. He permitted a free atmosphere within which the news media could operate, and private FM radio stations flourished during the late 1990s. Perhaps Museveni's most widely noted accomplishment has been his government's successful campaign against AIDS. During the 1980s, Uganda had one of the highest rates of HIV infection in the world, but now Uganda's rates are comparatively low, and the country stands as a rare success story in the global battle against the virus (see ''AIDS in Africa''). One of the campaigns headed by Museveni to fight against AIDS was the ABC program. The ABC program had three main parts "Abstain, Be faithful, or use Condoms if A and B are not practiced. In April 1998, Uganda became the first country to be declared eligible for debt relief under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative, receiving some US$700 million in aid. Museveni was lauded for his affirmative action program for women in the country, he was served by a female vice-president, Specioza Kazibwe, for nearly a decade, and has done much to encourage women to go to college. On the other hand, Museveni has resisted calls for greater women's family land rights (the right of women to own a share of their matrimonial homes).

From the mid-1990s, Museveni was seen to exemplify a new breed of African leadership, the antithesis of the "big men" who had dominated politics in the continent since independence. This section from a ''New York Times'' article in 1997 is illustrative of the high esteem in which Museveni was held by the western media, governments and academics:

:''These are heady days for the former guerilla who runs Uganda. He moves with the measured gait and sure gestures of a leader secure in his power and his vision. It is little wonder. To hear some of the diplomats and African experts tell it, President Yoweri K. Museveni started an ideological movement that is reshaping much of Africa, spelling the end of the corrupt, strong-man governments that characterized the cold-war era. These days, political pundits across the continent are calling Mr. Museveni an African Bismarck. Some people now refer to him as Africa's "other statesman," second only to the venerated South African President, Nelson Mandela.''

In official briefing papers from Madeleine Albright's December 1997 Africa tour as Secretary of State, Museveni was called a ''"beacon of hope"'' who runs a ''"uni-party democracy,"'' despite Uganda not permitting multiparty politics.

These generous statements have since been re-evaluated.

Regional conflict

In Uganda, there were significant numbers of ethnic Rwandan Tutsi immigrants – who comprised a significant numbers of NRA fighters. The Uganda-based Tutsi-dominated Rwandese Patriotic Front rebel group were close allies of the NRA, and once Museveni had solidified his hold on central power, he lent his support to their cause. Unsuccessful attacks were launched by the RPF against the Hutu government of Rwanda in the first half of the 1990s from bases in southwest Uganda. It was not until the Rwandan Genocide of 1994 that the RPF took power and its head, Paul Kagame (a former soldier in Museveni's army), became president.

Following the Rwandan Genocide, the new Rwandan government felt threatened by the presence (across the Rwandan border in Congo - known then as Zaïre) of former Rwandan soldiers and members of the previous regime. These soldiers were aided by Mobutu Sese Seko – leading Rwanda (with the aid of Museveni) and Laurent Kabila's rebels to overthrow him and take power in Congo. (''see main article: First Congo War'').

In August 1998, Rwanda and Uganda undertook to invade Congo again, this time to overthrow Museveni and Kagame's former ally - Kabila (''see main article: Second Congo War''). Museveni and a few close military advisers alone made the decision to send the UPDF into Congo. A number of highly placed sources indicate that the Ugandan parliament and civilian advisers were not consulted over the matter, as is required by the 1995 constitution. Museveni apparently persuaded an initially reluctant High Command to go along with the venture. "We felt that the Rwandese started the war and it was their duty to go ahead and finish the job, but our President took time and convinced us that we had a stake in what is going on in Congo", one senior officer is reported as saying. The official reasons Uganda gave for the intervention were to stop a "genocide" against the Banyamulenge in DRC in concert with Rwandan forces, and that Kabila had failed to provide security along the border and was allowing the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) to attack Uganda from rear bases in DRC. In reality, the UPDF were not deployed in the border region but more than 1,000 kilometres (over 600 miles) to the west of Uganda's frontier with Congo and in support of the Mouvement de Libération du Congo (MLC) rebels seeking to overthrow Kabila. As such, they were unable to prevent the ADF from invading the major town of Fort Portal and taking over a prison in Western Uganda.

Troops from Rwanda and Uganda plundered the country's rich mineral deposits and timber. The United States responded to the invasion by suspending all military aid to Uganda, a disappointment to the Clinton administration, which had hoped to make Uganda the centrepiece of the African Crisis Response Initiative. In 2000, Rwandan and Ugandan troops exchanged fire on three occasions in the Congolese city of Kisangani, leading to tensions and a deterioration in relations between Kagame and Museveni. The Ugandan government has also been criticised for aggravating the Ituri conflict, a sub-conflict of the Second Congo War. In December 2005, the International Court of Justice ruled that Uganda must pay compensation to the Democratic Republic of the Congo for human rights violations during the Second Congo War.

In the north, Uganda had supported Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) in the Second Sudanese Civil War against the government in Khartoum even before Museveni's rise. The continued support for the SPLA, led by Museveni's old acquaintance John Garang, led Sudan to support the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) and other anti-Museveni rebel groups in the mid-1990s. The resulting insecurity and conflicts have caused widespread human displacement, death and destruction in southern Sudan and northern Uganda. Subsequent warming of relations with Sudan led to a pledge to stop supporting hostile proxy forces (from both sides) and the granting of approval to the UPDF to attack the LRA within Sudan itself.

A second term (2001–2006)

2001 elections

In 2001 Museveni won the presidential elections by a substantial majority, with his former friend and personal physician Kizza Besigye as the only real challenger. In a populist publicity stunt, a pentagenarian Museveni travelled on a bodaboda motorcycle taxi to submit his nomination form for the election. Bodaboda is a cheap and somewhat dangerous (by western standards) method of transporting passengers around towns and villages in East Africa.

There was much recrimination and bitterness during the 2001 presidential elections campaign, and incidents of violence occurred following the announcement of the results – which were won by Museveni. Besigye challenged the election results in the Supreme Court of Uganda. Two of the five judges concluded that there were such illegalities in the elections, and that the results should be rejected. The other three judges decided that the illegalities did not affect the result of the election in a substantial manner, but stated that "there was evidence that in a significant number of polling stations there was cheating" and that in some areas of the country, "the principle of free and fair election was compromised." Besigye was briefly detained and questioned by the police, allegedly in connection with the offense of treason. In September he fled to the USA claiming his life was in danger.

Political pluralism and constitutional change

After the elections, political forces allied to Museveni began a campaign to loosen constitutional limits on the presidential term, allowing him to stand for election again in 2006. The 1995 Ugandan constitution provided for a two-term limit on the tenure of the president. Given Uganda's history of dictatorial regimes, this check and balance was designed to prevent a dangerous centralisation of power around a long-serving leader. This period witnessed the removal of key and influential Museveni supporters from his administration, including his childhood friend Eriya Kategaya and cabinet minister Jaberi Bidandi Ssali.

Moves to alter the constitution and alleged attempts to suppress opposition political forces have attracted criticism from domestic commentators, the international community and Uganda's aid donors. In a press release, the main opposition party, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), accused Museveni of engaging in a "life presidency project", and for bribing members of parliament to vote against constitutional amendments, FDC leaders claimed:

:''The country is polarized with many Ugandans objecting to [the constitutional amendments]. If Parliament goes ahead and removes term limits this may cause serious unrest, political strife and may lead to turmoil both through the transition period and there after ... We would therefore like to appeal to President Museveni to respect himself, the people who elected him and the Constitution under which he was voted President in 2001 when he promised the country and the world at large to hand over power peacefully and in an orderly manner at the end of his second and last term. Otherwise his insistence to stand again will expose him as a consummate liar and the biggest political fraudster this country has ever known.''

As observed by some political commentators, including Wafula Oguttu, Museveni had previously stated that he considered the idea of clinging to office for "15 or more" years ill-advised. Comments by the Irish anti-poverty campaigner Bob Geldof sparked a protest by Museveni supporters outside the British High Commission in Kampala. "Get a grip Museveni. Your time is up, go away," said the former rock star in March 2005, explaining that moves to change the constitution were compromising Museveni's record against fighting poverty and HIV/AIDS. In an opinion article in the ''Boston Globe'' and in a speech delivered at the Wilson Center, former U.S. Ambassador to Uganda Johnnie Carson heaped more criticism on Museveni. Despite recognising the president as a "genuine reformer" whose "leadership [has] led to stability and growth", Carson also said, "we may be looking at another Mugabe and Zimbabwe in the making". "Many observers see Museveni's efforts to amend the constitution as a re-run of a common problem that afflicts many African leaders – an unwillingness to follow constitutional norms and give up power".

In July 2005, Norway became the third European country in as many months to announce symbolic cutbacks in foreign aid to Uganda in response to political leadership in the country. The UK and Ireland made similar moves in May. "Our foreign ministry wanted to highlight two issues: the changing of the constitution to lift term limits, and problems with opening the political space, human rights and corruption", said Norwegian Ambassador Tore Gjos. Of particular significance was the arrest of two opposition MPs from the Forum for Democratic Change. Human rights campaigners charged that the arrests were politically motivated. ''Human Rights Watch'' stated that "the arrest of these opposition MPs smacks of political opportunism". A confidential World Bank report leaked in May suggested that the international lender might cut its support to non-humanitarian programmes in the Uganda. "We regret that we cannot be more positive about the present political situation in Uganda, especially given the country's admirable record through the late 1990s", said the paper. "The Government has largely failed to integrate the country's diverse peoples into a single political process that is viable over the long term...Perhaps most significant, the political trend-lines, as a result of the President's apparent determination to press for a third term, point downward."

Museveni responded to the mounting international pressure by accusing donors of interfering with domestic politics and using aid to manipulate poor countries. "Let the partners give advice and leave it to the country to decide ... [developed] countries must get out of the habit of trying to use aid to dictate the management of our countries." "The problem with those people is not the third term or fighting corruption or multipartism," added Museveni at a meeting with other African leaders, "the problem is that they want to keep us there without growing.".

In July 2005, a constitutional referendum lifted a 19-year restriction on the activities of political parties. In the non-party "Movement system" (so called "the movement") instituted by Museveni in 1986, parties continued to exist, but candidates were required to stand for election as individuals rather than representative of any political grouping. This measure was ostensibly designed to reduce ethnic divisions, although many observers have subsequently claimed that the system had become nothing more than a restriction on opposition activity. Prior to the vote, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) spokesperson stated "Key sectors of the economy are headed by people from the president's home area... We have got the most sectarian regime in the history of the country in spite the fact that there are no parties." Many Ugandans saw Museveni's conversion to political pluralism as a concession to donors – aimed at softening the blow when he announces he wants to stay on for a third term. Opposition MP Omara Atubo has said Museveni's desire for change was merely "a facade behind which he is trying to hide ambitions to rule for life".

Death of an ally

On 30 July 2005, Sudanese vice-president John Garang was killed when the Ugandan presidential helicopter crashed while he was travelling to Sudan from talks in Uganda. The incident was acutely embarrassing for the Ugandan government and a personal blow for Museveni – Garang had been a political ally since their days together at university. Garang had only been Sudanese vice-president for a matter of weeks before his death, which damaged hopes of a regional order based on a Uganda-South Sudan alliance.

Widespread speculation as to the cause of the crash led Museveni, on 10 August, to threaten the closure of media outlets which published "conspiracy theories" about Garang's death. In a statement, Museveni claimed such speculation was a threat to national security. "I will no longer tolerate a newspaper which is like a vulture. Any newspaper that plays around with regional security, I will not tolerate it – I will close it." The following day, popular radio station KFM had its license withdrawn for broadcasting a debate on Garang's death. Radio presenter Andrew Mwenda was eventually arrested for sedition in connection with comments made on his KFM talk show.

February 2006 elections

On 17 November 2005, Museveni was chosen as NRMs presidential candidate for the February 2006 elections. His candidacy for a further third term sparked criticism, as he had promised in 2001 that he was contesting for the last term. The arrest of the main opposition leader Kizza Besigye on 14 November – charged with treason, concealment of treason and rape – sparked demonstrations and riots in Kampala and other towns. Museveni's bid for a third term, the arrest of Besigye, and the besiegement of the High Court during a hearing of Besigye's case (by a heavily armed Military Intelligence (CMI) group dubbed by the press as "Black Mambas Urban Hit Squad"), led Sweden, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom to withhold economic support to Museveni's government due to concerns about the country's democratic development. On 2 January 2006 Besigye was released after the High Court ordered his immediate release.

The 23 February 2006 elections were Uganda's first multi-party elections in 25 years, and was seen as a test of its democratic credentials. Although Museveni did less well than in the previous election, he was elected for another five-year tenure, having won 59% of the vote against Besigye's 37%. Besigye, who alleged fraud, rejected the result. The Supreme Court of Uganda later ruled that the election was marred by intimidation, violence, voter disenfranchisement, and other irregularities. However, the Court voted 4-3 to uphold the results of the election.

The Third Term (2006–2011)

In 2007, Museveni deployed troops to the African Union's peacekeeping operation in Somalia.

Another significant issue in Museveni's third term is his decision to open the Mabira Forest to sugarcane planting. While Museveni argues that new plantations are important for Uganda's economic development, environmental activists worry about the loss of ecosystems and biodiversity that will result. This suggestion led to a riot in 2007 that claimed two lives.

Also In this term Museveni held meetings with investors that included Wisdek, to promote Uganda's call centre and outsourcing industry and create employment to the country.

September 2009 riots

In September 2009 Museveni refused Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi, the Baganda king, permission to visit some areas of Buganda kingdom, particulary Kayunga district. Riots occurred and over40 people were killed while others remain imprisoned to this date.

Fundamentalist Christianity

In 2009, many news sources reported on Jeff Sharlet's investigation regarding ties between Museveni and the American fundamentalist Christian organization The Fellowship (also known as "The Family"). Sharlet reports that Douglas Coe, leader of The Fellowship, identified Museveni as the organization's "key man in Africa." Further international scrutiny accompanied the 2009 Ugandan efforts to institute the death penalty for homosexuality, with leaders from Canada, the UK, the US, and France expressing concerns for human rights. British newspaper, The Guardian, reported that President Museveni "appeared to add his backing" to the legislative effort by, among other things, claiming "European homosexuals are recruiting in Africa", and saying gay relationships were against God's will. The 2009 effort for harsher penalties for homosexual behavior further strengthens existing laws criminalizing homosexuality.

The Fourth Term (2011–)

Museveni was re-elected on 20 February 2011 with a 68% majority with 59% of registered voters having voted.These election results were disputed by both the European Union and the opposition,"The electoral process was marred with avoidable administrative and logistical failures" according to the European Union election observer team .

Financial Stand

Museveni has a say on many big companies in Uganda and out side Uganda, namely; 1. Garden City 2. St. Lawrence Schoools 3. Umeme 4. Stakes in Serena hotel 5. Stakes in MTN Uganda (5%) 6. Stakes Nakumatt Uganda 7. Munyonyo Resort 8. Stanbic Bank Uganda

See also

Uganda

Uganda since 1979, part of the History of Uganda series.

President of Uganda

Politics of Uganda

Political parties of Uganda

Tokyo International Conference on African Development

References

Further reading

;Books

Museveni, Yoweri. ''Sowing the Mustard Seed: The Struggle for Freedom and Democracy in Uganda'', Macmillan Education, 1997, ISBN 0-333-64234-1.

Museveni, Yoweri. ''What Is Africa's Problem?'', University of Minnesota Press, 2000, ISBN 0-8166-3278-2

Ondoga Ori Amaza, ''Museveni's Long March from Guerrilla to Statesman'', Fountain Publishers, ISBN 9970-02-135-4

Tripp, Aili Mari, ''Museveni's Uganda: Paradoxes of Power in a Hybrid Regime'', Lynne Rienner Publishers, ISBN 978-1-58826-707-8

;Academic papers

Uganda, 1979–85: Leadership in Transition, Jimmy K. Tindigarukayo, The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 26, No. 4. (Dec., 1988), pp. 607–622. (JSTOR)

Neutralising the Use of Force in Uganda: The Role of the Military in Politics, E. A. Brett, The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 33, No. 1. (Mar., 1995), pp. 129–152. (JSTOR)

Called to Account: How African Governments Investigate Human Rights Violations, Richard Carver, African Affairs, Vol. 89, No. 356. (Jul., 1990), pp. 391–415. (JSTOR)

Uganda after Amin: The Continuing Search for Leadership and Control, Cherry Gertzel, African Affairs, Vol. 79, No. 317. (Oct., 1980), pp. 461–489. (JSTOR)

Social Disorganisation in Uganda: Before, during, and after Amin, Aidan Southall, The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 18, No. 4. (Dec., 1980), pp. 627–656. (JSTOR)

Ugandan Relations with Western Donors in the 1990s: What Impact on Democratisation?, Ellen Hauser, The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 37, No. 4. (Dec., 1999), pp. 621–641. (JSTOR)

Reading Museveni: Structure, Agency and Pedagogy in Ugandan Politics, Ronald Kassimir, Canadian Journal of African Studies, Vol. 33, No. 2/3, Special Issue: French-Speaking Central Africa: Political Dynamics of Identities and Representations. (1999), pp. 649–673. (JSTOR)

Uganda: The Making of a Constitution, Charles Cullimore, The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 32, No. 4. (Dec., 1994), pp. 707–711. (JSTOR)

Uganda's Domestic and Regional Security since the 1970s, Gilbert M. Khadiagala, The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 31, No. 2. (Jun., 1993), pp. 231–255. (JSTOR)

Exile, Reform, and the Rise of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, Wm. Cyrus Reed, The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 34, No. 3. (Sep., 1996), pp. 479–501. (JSTOR)

Operationalising Pro-Poor Growth, A Country Case Study on Uganda, John A. Okidi, Sarah Ssewanyana, Lawrence Bategeka, Fred Muhumuza, October 2004

"New-Breed" Leadership, Conflict, and Reconstruction in the Great Lakes Region of Africa: A Sociopolitical Biography of Uganda's Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, Joseph Oloka-Onyango, Africa Today - Volume 50, Number 3, Spring 2004, pp. 29–52 (Project MUSE)

"No-Party Democracy" in Uganda, Nelson Kasfir, Journal of Democracy - Volume 9, Number 2, April 1998, pp. 49–63 (Project MUSE)

"Explaining Ugandan intervention in Congo: evidence and interpretations", John F. Clark, The Journal of Modern African Studies, 39: 261–287, 2001 (Cambridge Journals)

"Uganda's 'Benevolent' Dictatorship", J. Oloka-Onyango, University of Dayton website

"The Uganda Presidential and Parliamentary Elections 1996", James Katorobo, No. 17, Les Cahiers d'Afrique de l'est

"Hostile to Democracy: The Movement System and Political Repression in Uganda", Peter Bouckaert, ''Human Rights Watch'', 1 October 1999

"Uganda: From one party to multi-party and beyond", Ronald Elly Wanda, The Norwegian Council for Africa, October 2005.

Protracted conflict, elusive peace - Initiatives to end the violence in northern Uganda, editor Okello Lucima, Accord issue 11, Conciliation Resources, 2002

*Profiles of the parties to the conflict, Balam Nyeko and Okello Lucima

*Reaching the 1985 Nairobi Agreement, Bethuel Kiplagat

External links

Presidency State House Official Website

Official website - www.museveni.co.ug

Museveni profile on NNDB

Is Museveni a Revolutionary Or Mercenary? by Sam Mugumya, April 15, 2009

The War in the Bush, GlobalSecurity.org

Elections in Uganda, African Elections Database

Third term bid irks donors, News from Africa, 12 May 2005

Human Rights Watch

Press Freedom in Uganda

Profile: President Yoweri Museveni, BBC News, 1 March 2001

In Uganda, when does brash talk radio become sedition?, Christian Science Monitor, 23 August 2005

Buganda and Uganda news website

;Interviews

A Conversation with Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, Council on Foreign Relations, 21 September 2005

Murray Oliver CTV interview (related article), August 2002

IRIN interview, 9 June 2005

BBC Talking Point, July 2005

Category:1944 births Category:Living people Category:People from Ntungamo District Category:Ugandan Christians Category:Commonwealth Chairpersons-in-Office Category:Current national leaders Category:Speakers of the Parliament of Uganda Category:Presidents of Uganda Category:Ugandan military personnel Category:Ugandan rebels Category:Ugandan writers Category:University of Dar es Salaam alumni

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